Black Lives Matter as a Social Justice Organization: Analytical Essay

As 2019 ands are 2020 begins, the past decade has seen a rise in political engagement in the United States that has grown to rival the iconic civil rights movements of the mid 1900s. However, something is new about this new wave of social activism, it is being led and carried out by young people. Although young people have been a crucial part of social movements in the past, the past few years have seen an unrivaled upbringing of young leaders on the social front. But as people grow more and more quick to criticize and label these movements, from Tiananmen Square in China to Indigenouse Water Rights in the Americas, it is important to remember that movements lead by young people have always brought about change. While not always given proper credit or praise, young people have always been leaders and innovators in social justice areas The dissent of young people usually starts at schools and grows as youth are introduced to more and more of the worlds tragedies..What are the factors of a youth social justice movement and how accurate or inaccurate are they when accounting for differentiating socio-economic status, race, and geographic location that affect the defining of success for a movement.

The United States Civil Rights Movement was a social justice struggle for Black Americans that existed predominantly during the 1950s and 1960s. Its leaders include the likes of Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Fannie Lou Hamer, the NAACP, and the Southern Christan Leadership Council. This movement is often regarded as one of the most successful social movements in the history of the social struggles. Obtaining voting rights for African Americans, the desegregation of public schools, and the downfall of many legal forms of discrimination, are some of the movements accomplishemnts. But what defines the success of this movement over others and as seen from the white Americans during the time, how and when did it get the recognition seen today. The success of movements in largely defined by the public’s emotional pull towards it. The more the sympathies, the larger the success.

The division between privileged and underprivileged youth organizers is largely seen in the response of the public and the media towards a groups style and tactics. Black Lives Matter is a social justice organization formed in 2015 after a rise in police brutality and the killing of unarmed, young, black men. The organization waged an online and in person battle against the unjust system of policing that dominates American society. This group and its participants brought about new questions of identity and organizing. “It’s important to understand this to understand how identity politics works. It’s a two-sided debate: One side wants to preserve a status quo that has historically protected a white identity that many white, straight, cisgender (non-trans), Christian Americans identify with. The other side wants to carve out an opening for other groups to be more accepted in mainstream America: black people, Latino immigrants, LGBTQ individuals, and Muslim Americans, to name a few. Notably, this debate is not new. While the term “identity politics” rose to prominence in the past few years, it is really a broader national conversation that has been going on since the country was founded.”(Lopez). The wave of young Black Lives Matter organizer brought with it manpower in the form of thousands of protesters and supporters at rallies and marches. Their message was sound, end police brutality and over policing, but their presence as an organization lead by black youth brought criticism and isolation. “Youth of color have experienced poor outcomes relative to their white counterparts historically, and these disparities persist today. Researchers have offered a number of explanations for these disparities, some of the more popular of which have focused on individual deficiencies. If one elucidates the underlying theories of change of dominant practices and public policies in the youth field, it appears that, despite variation in approach and emphasis, they too have focused on individual behavior….Rather, we contend that there are larger, structural factors that contribute to the racial disparities between youth of color and their white counterparts that deserve systematic and sustained attention.” (Karen Fulbright-Anderson, Keith Lawrence, Stacey Sutton, Gretchen Susi, and Anne Kubisch, authors). Another high note in the Black Lives Matter was its effective use of social media in rallying supporters and spreading its message. While their #BLM went viral for months “… there is a downside to social-media-driven organization. Fabio Rojas, a Professor of Sociology Indiana University and expert in organization and political sociology, focuses on how social media unites young people but hinders most from instituting tangible change within a larger political framework. “One thing that’s different now than before is that these progressive movements are less leader-focused and some are anti-leader,” explains Rojas, giving the example of Occupy Wall Street and the movement’s relative lack of success.[3] He notes that this type of social-media-bred organization “goes against a lot of what social scientists have discovered about social movements: that . . . the real nitty-gritty organizing needs leadership.These movements often make it hard to translate their particular goals into concrete actions,” notes Rojas, suggesting that partnering with well-established allies, like Black Lives Matter did with the NAACP, is often essential to success. ” (Azar). The Black Lives MAtter movement was ultimately deemed unsuccessful by American society because of its anti-climactic fizzle out of the spotlight and its inability to achieve their 10 points. However, they were able to inspire a generation of young Black activist and open new conversations about policing in America and gun violence. “The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning (CIRCLE) shows that many of these college students are white and are twice as likely to participate in a variety of civic activities than their counterparts of color (Foster-Bey, 2008; Hyman and Levine, 2008). These investments, while impor- tant, have done little for the vibrant neighborhood organizing activities of high- school-aged people of color. Given the concerns about declining civic engagement among youth of color, youth organizing is an important strategy to engage those who are most affected by educational, community and social issues. Focusing on low- income youth of color is also crucial given the changing demographics in America.” (GINWRIGHT)

In 2018, another anti gun violence movement led by young people arose, primarily formed of high school students, as a response to the school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School. This movement, formed by the survivors, became known as the March For Our Lives and they fight to power young people in order to fight for sensible gun violence policies that save lives. This group organized a nationwide march that went down in history as one of the largest collective student marches and inspired young people across the nation to start MFOL chapters, form organization, and all together fight to end gun violence through political push and education. What is highly noted about this movement is that, “youth of color have experienced poor outcomes relative to their white counterparts historically, and these disparities persist today. Researchers have offered a number of explanations for these disparities, some of the more popular of which have focused on individual deficiencies. If one elucidates the underlying theories of change of dominant practices and public policies in the youth field, it appears that, despite variation in approach and emphasis, they too have focused on individual behavior. While behavior is clearly an important contributor to the outcomes that individuals experience, it is not the sole determinant. Rather, we contend that there are larger, structural factors that contribute to the racial disparities between youth of color and their white counterparts that deserve systematic and sustained attention.” We use the term structural racism to define the many factors that contribute to and facilitate the maintenance of racial inequities in the United States today. A structural racism analytical framework identifies aspects of our history and culture that have allowed the privileges associated with “whiteness” and the disadvantages associated with “color” to endure and adapt over time. It points out the ways in which public policies and institutional practices contribute to inequitable racial outcomes. It lays out assumptions and stereotypes that are embedded in our culture that, in effect, legitimize racial disparities, and it illuminates the ways in which progress toward racial equity is undermined. The March For Our Lives message and hashtag went viral but their movement was prolonged by political support and financial backings as much of their membership was white and of a higher socio-economic status. “The proliferation of social media platforms has brought young activists unprecedented opportunities and exposure. A hashtag like #MarchForOurLives or #BlackLives Matter neatly bundles a message that can explain an entire movement, and it can spread like wildfire through the networks young activists are able to harness. But the downsides of online organizing are frightening and numerous, including harassment, surveillance, and increased public pressure on those who may still be too young to vote.” (Stauffer). The March For Our Lives movement spurred hope in not just young people as almost everyone from regular citizens to elite politicians backed their cause. “It also helps that the student leaders lived in a town that was 84 percent white and with a median household income more than double the national median. As Reuben notes, even though “non-whites are much more affected by gun violence, the issue is deeply racialized.” Black student activists had campaigned against gun violence even years before the Black Lives Matter movement began in 2013, but they’ve often been overlooked, demonized, and criminalized. “They’ve had to push against the fear white Americans feel when they see large gatherings of youth of color,” Levinson says. Parkland students, however, have been “able to speak to audiences who in the past have dismissed this issue.” (JASON). It has shown that much of what the March For Our Lives began as and consists of now is white suburban students who are not always on the ground of gun violence prevention.

While the rise of social media has helped to increase youth participation in social justice work as well as help the spread of movements, the success of said movements and actions is rapidly changing to reflect the interest of outside factors instead of uplifting the needs and impacts of those working on the ground for social causes. In 2019 and coming into 2020, there has been a global surgence in youth driven action surrounding climate change.“Widespread expressions of anger in the face of advancing climate change have resulted in some commentators describing the current period as a new “age of dissent” (Okolosie et al. 2016). We use dissent to refer to a conscious expression of disagreement with a prevailing view, policy, practice, decision, institution, or assumption that is exacerbating climate change. Some youth work directly to address climate change through small-scale and informal community-based actions, including awareness-raising events, educational programs, and sustainability campaigns (United Nations 2009, 2013). Others are active in formal and voluntary global organizations, such as 350.org, Global Power Shift, Friends of the Earth, Gen Zero, and Climate Youth (Hayward and Selboe 2014). Still others are politically engaged in more individualized and specialized ways, such as through issue-specific activism or low-threshold and part-time activities, e.g., promoting recycling or bicycling, signing petitions on social media, or consuming “green” products and following vegetarian or vegan diets. Many young activists concerned about climate change are expressing dissent through actions that challenge business-as-usual economic and social policies, including their emphasis on economic growth (Escobar 2015). This includes attempts to shift political and economic power away from the fossil fuel industries and carbon polluters through divestment campaigns, boycotts, and legal actions that emphasize environmental justice (Partridge 2008, United Nations 2013, Fisher 2016).” Many young climate organizers in their activism routinely leave out front line communities; low-income people, Indigenouse people, Black and brown people, as well as those from ‘undeveloped’ countries. “ Many young activists concerned about climate change are expressing dissent through actions that challenge business-as-usual economic and social policies, including their emphasis on economic growth (Escobar 2015). This includes attempts to shift political and economic power away from the fossil fuel industries and carbon polluters through divestment campaigns, boycotts, and legal actions that emphasize environmental justice” (Partridge 2008, United Nations 2013, Fisher 2016). Although these movements are just now gaining traction and speed, people are quick to label them unsuccessful and ineffective as they mainly consist of student built revoluts that include strikes and conferences. These criticisms come without enough time or understanding to what might become of these defiances. It begs the question, what factors will come into play when defining the success of the Youth Climate Movement ? As more and more people begin to commercial and profit off of ‘activism’ how can movements continue to fight for real systemic change when young people of privilege are at the helm. “Slacktivism is a term for giving token support for a cause, like wearing a pin or “liking” something on Facebook, without being willing to engage in more meaningful support, like donating time or money. And with the presence of social media, being a slacktivist is easier now than ever. A recent study from the University of British Columbia found that when people participate in a form of public token support, they aren’t any more likely to participate in a form of more meaningful support in the future. Someone who ‘likes’ a cause on Facebook wouldn’t be any more likely to donate in the future than someone who had no exposure to the cause at all. ” (Essig) Instead of being hard and rebellious, it has become a trend to be an activist, especially on social media. This in itself has given older generations the reasoning to criticize youth movements and their legitimacy. This has created division between young organizers and their older counterparts. The idea of a true ‘activist’ is changing, for the worst, and youth are left in a space to lead when all they have seen is on a screen.“Directors of youth organizing groups who are transitioning express concern that while young people have the vision and passion for social justice, they may not have acquired the skills to manage and lead an organization. Similarly, those young adults who may be equipped to lead an organization may not understand youth organizing and the nuanced leadership required in an organization guided by social justice principles. Without pipeline opportunities, “real life” issues, such as the need to contribute financially to the family, shape young people’s choices. Without intentional pathways to post-secondary opportunities to be leaders in their schools and communities, talented young people will continue to grasp for whichever opportunities are made most available. There are a number of examples of how youth groups are responding to this challenge.’ The defining of youth movements in not left to its leaders to decide and its success is contingent on only certain factors.

While social justice might unite young people, their tacts, as said by older generations, “hinders most from instituting tangible change within a larger political framework. “One thing that’s different now than before is that these progressive movements are less leader-focused and some are anti-leader,” explains Rojas, giving the example of Occupy Wall Street and the movement’s relative lack of success.[3] He notes that this type of social-media-bred organization “goes against a lot of what social scientists have discovered about social movements: that . . . the real nitty-gritty organizing needs leadership.These movements often make it hard to translate their particular goals into concrete actions,” notes Rojas, suggesting that partnering with well-established allies, like Black Lives Matter did with the NAACP, is often essential to success. ” (Azar). The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was an organization at the corner stone of the Civil Rights Movement. Once criticized and defamed, they are now praised as on of the most successful social justice organizations. For years Chicago has had gaping racial disparities in suspension rates for black and white children, and a new study from the University of Chicago finds the most frequently suspended students are concentrated in schools serving the most vulnerable student populations. Examining this data, VOYCE set out to address the impact of out-of-school suspensions and expulsions on their peers and schools. Illinois Senate Bill 100 was created in 2012 by VOYCE activists who traveled regularly to the state capitol in Springfield to lobby and educate lawmakers. “When we were advocating for [SB 100] we sometimes weren’t taken seriously and faced adultism,” says Sanchez, adding that VOYCE students overcame the challenges by sharing their personal stories, combined with data and research aimed at eliminating the school-to-prison pipeline and “structural racism in our education system.” In August the VOYCE-drafted bill was signed by Republican Governor Bruce Rauner, ending a bipartisan, hard-fought effort. Starting in the 2016 school year, districts throughout Illinois will be required to eliminate zero-tolerance punishment, minimize out-of-school suspensions and expulsions, and adopt other discipline-related policies.” The “intensity gap” has always been an “empathy gap”, because those suburban allies have rarely shown up to fight for the lives of black and brown children – not unless their own schools, their own children, were threatened. The factors of a youth social justice movement and how accurate or inaccurate are they when accounting for differentiating socio-economic status, race, and geographic location that affect the defining of success for a movement the defining of success. As seen a youth lead movements labeling of success is hard to come by because of preexisting stigmas around age as well as inter movement faults that fail to acknowledge the importance of identity and building true revolutionary powers. “At the root of student organizing is the demand for fair and equal treatment, says Jose Sanchez, the safe schools coordinator for Voices of Youth in Chicago Education, an alliance of mostly high-school students of color. And nowhere is that more apparent than in the area of school discipline.