Democracy And Civil Society: Literature Review

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Review 1, Part I; Arendt, H. (1963) On Revolution, New York: Viking (chapter: ‘The social question) (590 words)

Hannah Arendt’s ‘The Social Question’ (1963) is a political piece that picks apart the revolutions of the past. In it, Arendt discusses the historical and social processes behind evolutions and the reasons for both their successes and failures. Focusing on the French and American revolution, Arendt argues that success story that was the French Revolution was unjustified at the time compared to its American counterpart. Arendt cites that the reasons for the differing success between American and European revolutions were American exceptionalism and Republicanism. While many theories, especially those by Karl Marx, suggest that poverty was the greatest catalyst to the revolutions, Arendt believes the role of poverty is not as large as once thought. This, she believes, is proved by examining the differences between the social classes in France and America. While poverty and class division was rampant in France, the same cannot be said for America where she argues there was little division in classes. Poverty and social divide still undeniably played a role in the French Revolution, especially when considering the French Rousseaus theories regarding social equality and the power of the collective group (the general will), just arguably not as major a role as once thought. Arendt’s views on the causes of revolutions in this article are particularly insightful as they diverge from the common belief at the time.

Arendt’s ‘The Social Question’ provides us with insights into the morality of man in her discussions of compassion, virtue and goodness. She does this in regards to revolutions and the moral decision-making behind them. Arendt discusses controversial concepts such as Christianity, god ad moral punishments and questions the beliefs held by other theorists on matters to do with compassion. She looks at the biology and nature of man in regards to human desires and motivation and what the limits of man’s virtue are, especially those of Robespierre. Arendt argued that patriotism was often at odds with virtues in cases of revolution and that this idea was embodied in Robespierres deeds. She further discusses the difference in what one sees political figures do and what their motives may be. This interesting take on motivation in politics and the impossibility of distinguishing between being and appearance is a political theory that can be applied to situations beyond revolutions. Its hypocrisy can arguably be seen in politics today, making this an important political insight.

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Arendt looks at the impact some brands of government have on those they rule and their likelihood to revolt such as issues regarding monarchy versus republic. She especially highlights the importance of the public realm in the American republic its constitution, which should have been employed by France. Arendt argued that, even with a constitution, American citizens did not have the greatest ability to practise politics. This insight can be used when looking at the modern French and American political systems and democracy in order to see whether improvements have been made.

Arendt’s ability to critique the accepted theories that have come before have given her writings a uniqueness not seen with others. She provides theories and connections that none before her did while also managing to convince the reader that, despite her ideas being difficult to prove, they are valid and worth being discussed when looking at revolutions. Her ideas such as those around motivation in politics and the failures of the post-revolutionary french and American political systems are also important insights we can use to study politics today.

Review 2, Part II; Mokyr, J. (2009) The Enlightened Economy, London: Penguin, (chapter 16) (605 words)

Joel Mokyr’s ‘The Enlightened Economy’ (2009) discusses the role of institutions in the civil economy and how they’ve impacted capitalism. Mokyr describes the institutions including the rules, both legal and social, around which the economic game is played. Some of these institutions are informal such as conventions, traditions and cultural habits while others are not formal such as the government and laws. Institutions such as social norms were crucial to bringing about the industrial revolution and bringing advances to technology. Society held politeness and fair play to a very high standard and those that had dealings with those in such a society, such as merchants and manufacturers, need to respect and obey thee cultural codes. In this introduction, Mokyr provides us with insight into how capitalism began and what cultural standards the wealthy of the time abided to.

In the early days of the civil economy, Mokyr argued that reputation was everything. If the trust was ever violated in economic dealings, one could be excluded from trade. The presence of trust in the civil economy made credit very important. This credit in the form of bonds and bills of exchange made it possible for domestic and foreign trade to occur as it gave even the smallest traders the ability to do start businesses. Credit depended on people behaving honourably and independent institutions such as churches and schools all cooperated and supported markets. Mokry argues that while moral codes and social networks did their fair share to maintain the economy, formal laws were required. This is because law enforcement at the time would have been unable to deal with it high-scale fraud. The laws that were introduced provided authority, legitimacy and accountability that were derived from the moral codes already in place. Property laws and laws surrounding crime enforcement were enforced privately to begin with then eventually the state in order to appease creditors by giving the ability to lock up debitors. Mokyr’s descriptions and explanations of the rules around the civil economy including the moral codes presents a very differing image to the one of today’s economy and allows us to see to what role different groups in society were involved

Mokyr explains that it was entrepreneurs, networks and cultures collected together to form civil economies. He claims that began what is known as ‘gentlemanly capitalism’ with their success not based on help from the state but on cooperation between individuals and a shared code of conduct between people of different backgrounds. Upon entering the 18th century, Mokyr argues that this economy changed slightly in that it became about competition as well as cooperation. Further social changed occurred such as the rise in prestige of inventors and engineers especially as advances in technology and science became seen as less of an encroachment on religious beliefs. One of the most renowned inventors of the time, Isaac Newton, became the thinking person ideal and a role model to many. Technological and economic advancement just continued to grow from there with the invention of the steam train urging on the industrial revolution. In describing the development of the civil economy and therefore capitalism, Mokyr explains the changes that occur well. He also uses good examples of how the view of people changed such as with the growing respect of inventors.

In conclusion, Mokyr delves deep into the history of civil societies and economies. He provides a clear timeline and reasoning for how it developed and his ability to provide more empirical information than the more theoretical theorists is important for this topic. He is able to greatly increase the readers understanding of the issue of a civil economy.

Review 3, Part III; Arendt, H. (2004[1951]): The Origins of Totalitarianism, New York: Schocken Books, (Part III chapter 4) (600 words)

Hannah Arendt’s ‘The Origins of Totalitarianism’ (1951) discusses totalitarianism as a form of political governing. Arendt argues that totalitarianism differs from other oppressive political regimes in that when it rose to power, it destroyed all traditions of a country including them social, legal and political systems. As a political system, it develops as a one-part political system that became impossible to judge the actions of. It also had the main aim of world domination. Totalitarianism uses tools such as terror and ideologies in order to control those under it, having abandoned political institutions. Arendt’s explanation of totalitarianism is both clear and allows the reader to use it to frame the rest of the essay.

Arendt argues that totalitarianism, when looked at from a historical perspective, is a form of tyranny, where the government is ruled by one lawless man. Totalitarianism is the opposite to a lawful government with legitimate power, in that it defies all positive laws, even those that it was established from. It does this under the guise of bringing a reign of justice to the earth without translating its moral values. It does so by eliminating all that is bad. While in a lawful government, there are positive laws that allow one to define right and wrong, totalitarian governments replace these with terror. This terror becomes total when it comes against no opposition and thus, can dominate. Arendt discusses terror further when she argues that total terror leaves no arbitrary lawlessness behind. Terror destroys man’s freedoms and liberties. It presses men against each other thus destroying the space in which freedom can be achieved, their public and private lives. It thrives when men are isolated and feel as though they do not belong in the world. This does not require for regimes to make those under it live in solitude, they must just make them feel lonely. This terror provides the force needed for movements to proceed unhindered and is only slowed down by the freedom of man, which cannot be taken away as long as men are born and die. These explanations as set our by Arendt allow us to make sense of how terror under totalitarian governments works.

One of the most important issues Arendt discusses in her book on totalitarianism is that of ideologies. Ideologies can be described, by the words of Arendt, as the logic of an idea. Ideologies naturally perish with the rise and fall of cultures ad are not themselves totalitarian. They become totalitarian when employed by totalitarian regimes and are decisive based on the principals in which they are based, such as racism and communism. Arendt describes three specific totalitarian elements to ideological thinking such as that they are orientated toward history and claim to be full explanations of happenings. They also become emancipated from reality. Totalitarian ideologies also use methods of demonstration to order facts into the realm of reality. Arendt discusses the use of ideologies by totalitarian regimes such as Hitler and Stalin. She argues that these two regimes used terror along with ideologies in order to control those under them. They did so effectively because it does not matter what the ideology is, it matters as to what logical processes could be developed from them. Arendt’s use of explanations and examples in history of ideologies being used allows us to greater understand the power of ideologies under totalitarian governments.

Hannah Arendt’s ‘The Origins of Totalitarianism’ is a useful tool when attempting to understand totalitarianism. Not only does Arendt give us definitions for the main concepts, but she also explains how different factors can allow totalitarian governments to thrive.

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