Globalization And Jawaharlal Nehru
Globalization despite its variegated meanings and interpretations provided with the aid of distinctive pupils has turn out to be the truth of the day and bears a ubiquitous presence in each part of the arena. While debates on its novelty or distinctiveness inside the contemporary phase are nevertheless going on, there’s no denying the reality that it’s miles the logical continuation of an ongoing process marked by using the unfold of liberal capitalist driven development trajectory embraced by means of the larger part of the arena. Globalization in essence is marked by way of interconnectedness, integration of societies, cultures, economies for which liberalization and privatization have become the important thing contraptions. However, there are folks that don’t consider globalization as a direction-breaking happening of the remaining century, for them, the records of globalization is as vintage because the human history itself. Amidst this ongoing debate regarding the chronology of this phenomenon, there’s no denying the fact that the modern-day segment of globalization whose distinctness lies inside the excessive pace with which the products and ideas are transferred, the ever-developing volume of consumers and products and their variety, and the resultant boom in the developing visibility of this procedure (Chanda 2007) is marked by using many troubles. These issues are developing inequality, poverty, marginalization of the 1/3 international nations, the reassertion of identities as a result of the homogenized subculture promoted by using it. All this has been main to the rising of latest form of civil strifes and crisis of governability and myriad other challenges like the query of the kingdom state device and for this reason the talk on nationality, nationalism and meanings and notions of internationalism follow in such situations created through globalization’s expansion. All these issues appear in our normal existence in a single shape or the alternative. India being the a part of the developing international in addition to the country which has witnessed those troubles on its very own land especially after its getting into the LPG generation really has seen both aspects of the globalization. On the only hand facet there is the glittering side of rich people, purchasing department stores, flyovers and the opposite hand there may be the India of slum- dwellers, the poor, deprived, starved sections who’ve been constantly been sacrificing for making the opposite India shine. India in truth entered into growth-targeted model on this method developing and widening the gulf between the haves and the have-nots. All this leads a lot of us into wondering if this us of a (which changed into ideologically and intellectually formed in its sense of right and wrong by means of many empowering ideas of visionaries for the reason that time of India’s war for independence against the overseas rule) nonetheless can rely on their (the visionaries’) notions of the way the country need to be governed. Globalization has rendered open debates like whether the existing manner is inevitable or no longer, whether the modern-day procedure is inside the hobby of all, whether or not this manner of the global enlargement of capitalism has an alternative or not. These are at once or in a roundabout way linked to questions of equity, nationality, technical gap or digital divide and so forth. Whose mention is found in the thoughts of those thinkers, occasionally explicitly, sometimes implicitly. To start with, Gandhian notion and its major reflections were taken up on this paper so as to make a reference to globalization. Gandhi in his seminal paintings, “Hindvi Swaraj” emerged as one of the most vocal critiques of the western civilization at a time whilst the west and its preaching was catching roots. World has moved plenty a ways in advance considering that then but problems have handiest persisted and taken some new forms, the difference being that the west styled modernity for which globalization has proved as an effective provider is now an familiar reality of our existence.
Globalization, Liberalization, Privatization, etc.
Objectives of the Study:
To evaluate Role of Jawaharlal Nehru in Globalization.
This research is descriptive in nature and data collected from secondary data like research journals, research work, blogs and other sources.
Jawaharlal Nehru and Globalization:
Nehru being the one who formed the Indian countryside since it completed its independence, one crucial difference that bills for among him and the two thinkers we discussed is that even as the two had their mind on special troubles on the non-public sphere, Nehru’s thoughts may also see their manifestation at the implementation level. Progress has been the creed of the thoughts of Jawaharlal Nehru. Progress in his idea become -dimensional: whilst cloth welfare or monetary development supplied its one size, improvement of the human persona provided the opposite. For him, the 2 dimensions belonged together and have been jointly concomitant. To Nehru, the trouble of improvement changed into essentially a trouble of clinical orientation of the state’s attitudes and the development of the country. Was now not feasible with out training her population in rational models of notion. In his views, the Indian lifestyle became wealthy however static and its social framework was oppressive and non-purposeful. Moreover, he changed into only modestly positive approximately India’s financial and business assets, and changed into apprehensive at the fee at which a few different countries of the world-substantially america have been consuming the restricted assets of the arena. He was also against loose employer because the dominant form of financial business enterprise, however on the equal time did no longer approve of a completely-managed financial system. He selected to steer the middlepath, and adopted for his country. The framework of a blended financial system. He further discovered that “the strongest urge in the world today is that of social justice and equality.”, and got here to the realization that any social structure primarily based on the ownership of land and capital through a few with “the others living at the verge of lifestyles” stood self-condemned and had to be modified (Nehru 1960:39).
For Jawaharlal Nehru, it turned into the need of every country to have a ‘countrywide philosophy’ and a ‘national ideology’ so that you can hold it collectively and supply it unity and a sense of course and motive. In his view, the need for such a philosophy become specially superb in a brand new united states like India whose humans have been divided on religious, ethnic, linguistic and other grounds, and have been economically undeveloped, socially static and politically green. (Parekh 1991) As such they desperately wanted a shared public philosophy to unite them and provide them with a hard and fast of really described ‘goals’ and ‘targets’. As India’s first Prime Minister, he took it as one of his maximum essential responsibilities to develop any such country wide philosophy. Like maximum nationalist leaders, Nehru turned into convinced that India had emerge as deeply degenerated and became the nook within the nineteenth century with the aid of comprehensively reorganizing themselves along the traces required with the aid of the present day commercial civilization. For Nehru ‘modernisation turned into India’s national philosophy and involved seven ‘national dreams’, namely, national cohesion, parliamentary democracy, industrialisation, socialism, improvement of scientific temper, secularism and non-alignment. (Parekh 1991).
Thus, in sharp contrast to Gandhi, modernisation and scientific development have been the important devices via which Nehru desired to shape India. He promoted industrialisation via heavy industries in India, however on the same time talked of protecting the cottage industries of the country. Unlike Gandhi, he noticed the economic development of India not via agriculture but via industries. But, in reality he in no way supposed to disregard agriculture. Unlike Gandhi, he changed into satisfied that India couldn’t completely dispose of poverty and satisfy the legitimate aspirations of its humans with out big-scale industrialisation. More importantly, the modern international become industrialised, and a country that failed to hold with it remained vulnerable and vulnerable to foreign domination. As he put it: “It can hardly ever be challenged that, in the context of the modern international, no us of a can be politically and economically impartial, even within the framework of international interdependence, unless it’s miles pretty industrialised and has developed its power resources to the utmost. Nor can it gain or hold excessive requirements of residing and liquidate poverty with out the resource of current generation in almost each sphere of lifestyles. An industrially backward us of a will constantly upset the arena’s equilibrium and encourage the competitive inclinations of extra advanced countries.” For centuries India had remained scientifically and technologically primitive and carried on with its centuries antique mode of manufacturing. That became why it fell an easy prey to industrialised Britain. Now that it had discovered the ‘painful lessons’ of records, it have to promptly ‘trap up’ with the superior western countries.” (Nehru 1985).
Thus, Nehru become interested by the scientific and industrial boom in India, however he became additionally a leader from the 0.33 global who championed their reason and struggle in opposition to imperialist dispositions of the west, he also stood as a doyen of south-south cooperation. Despite the inconsistencies cited with the aid of his critiques in his critiques in his thoughts and movement, Nehru became absolute confidence the architect of current India. Though it’s far very tough to are expecting if he might aid the LPG reforms in India or India ushering into globalization era because it became something which become the demand of that point, however actually he could have stood firmly for the forms of quandary and problems the technique of globalization has generated for the humans and international locations at the marginalia.
- From 1885 till India’s independence, Congress passed several resolutions, deprecating, objecting and rejecting various foreign policy moves taken by Indian Government. See, Palmer, Norman D, “ Foreign Policy of the Indian National Congress”, in Misra, K P: FOREIGN POLICY OF INDIA, New Delhi, Thomson Pres, 1977, pp 11-14; Also see, “Congress Develops a Foreign Policy”, in Nehru, Jawaharlal, THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA, OUP, 1982, pp 416-22.
- Bhaskaran, R, “The Philosophical Basis of India’s foreign Policy”, in Misra, op.cit., p. 22
- Basu, D D: INTRODUCTION TO THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA, New Delhi, Prentice-hall of India, 2002
- For review of implications of Nehru’s views on India’s foreign policy, see, Power, P F, “Indian Foreign Policy: The Age of Nehru”, The Review of Politics, Vol. 26, No. 2, April 1964, pp. 257-86.
- See, Brecher, Michael: INDIA AND WORLD POLITICS: Krishnamenon’s View of the world, New York, 1968, p. 3.
- See, “Prospects of the Non-Aligned Movement”, International Studies, Vol. 20, 1981, pp. 67-79
- Quoted in, NEHRU’S THOUGHTS, op. cit., p. 103.
- Reprinted in, Brian, Mc Arthur: PENGUIN BOOK OF TWENTIETH CENTURY SPEECHES, London, Penguin Viking, 1992, pp. 234-37
- For early days of Indo-USSR Relations, see, Arthur Lall, “ Change and Continuity in India’s Foreign Policy”, Orbis, No.10, 1966-67, pp. 91-105.
- See, Werner Levi, “ India Debates Foreign Policy”, Far Eastern survey, Vol. 20, No. 5, March 1951, pp. 49-52.
- See, Alan de Rusett, “ On Understanding Indian Foreign Policy”, in Misra, op. cit., p. 107
- Nehru, Jawaharlal: INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: Selected Speeches, September1946-April 1961, New Delhi, Publication Division, Government of India, 1961, pp. 1-3 and 79
- On 29 November 1947 the United Nations voted to terminate Mandate of Palestine by 1 August 1948. A resolution to that effect was passed by 33 for and 13 against votes. For details, see, Bregman, Ahron: ISRAEL’S WARS: A History Since 1947, London Routledge, 2002; Louis, W M: THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN MIDDLE EAST: Arab Nationalism, the United States and Post-War Imperialism, OUP, 1986.
- The Times, 12 September 950; and 11 June, 1955; The Hindu, 3 January, 1951
- See, ASIAN RELATIONS: Being Report of the Proceding and Documentation…, New Delhi, Asian Relations Organisation, 1948.
- Nehru’s speech at the concluding session on April 24, 1955. Cited in, Shiela Dikshit: JAWAHARLAL NEHRU: Centenary Volume, New Delhi, OUP, 1989.