Paris As An International City With Many Guises ‘Layered’ Beneath Its Rich Historical Origin

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Jules-Rosette (1994) refers to Paris as an international city with many guises ‘layered’ beneath its rich historical origins. In Current times, Paris is often considered as the current art and fashion centre of the world. However, there is a contrast between the represented image and experiencing the city first hand. We travelled to Paris with the aim of studying and experiencing the city in situ. This essay seeks to explore and validate the representation of Paris in literature and its overall experience, using the field course over 5 days as a basis of comparison. Paris is represented in Media and literature as a center of economic development and a space for the ‘bourgeoise’. However, as with most cities, many regional variations exist, meaning the existing representations of Paris may not be consistent throughout whole city. Additionally, with the recent economic shift towards tertiary financial services comes impacts and consequences which are not covered by the image represented to the world. This essay seeks to explore the effects of this in the light of gentrification and changes social structure within the city.

Theoretical Debates/Literature Review:

Post-industrial Paris projects an image of beauty and elegance which is core to its thriving business and tourist economy. Paris in many ways, is seen to preserve its rich history and culture. Attractions such as the Louvre and the Eiffel Tower are globally significant and due to the symbolism attached to these areas (Lefebvre 1991), its representation is typically positive; this is crucial to its success as a tourist hotspot. However, it is easy for these concepts to conceal the true realities that exist within Paris. For instance, spatial differences were known to be present within Paris prior to tourism; Pearce (1988) suggests the city has been ‘Long overlain’ by a broad East-West socio-economic division (industrial-worker East, residential bourgeoise West). Thus, a comprehensive representation of Paris should include such disparities, however, it is often overlooked when one imagines the city.

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There are many hidden social and cultural changes have been occurring in Paris as a result of these changes. Préteceille (2011) implies that ethno-racial segregation has been intensifying within Paris leading to government intervention. Policies such as the social mix policy were employed to overcome racial tensions that have come about due to immigration, housing and income disparity. Furthermore, these social tensions are difficult to represent within literature as there aren’t statistical categories for measuring such characteristics (Simon and Stavo-Debauge 2004). As such, experiencing Paris is key in unveiling these realities that are typically hidden in typical representations of Paris.

Gentrification is a common theme within developing cities and is an on-going process within Paris. Shaw (2008) defines gentrification as a generalised middle-classification of place. Clerval (2006) argues that Gentrification comes under the under the umbrella of ‘embourgeoisement’; Paris is distinctly different from the other gentrifying urban spaces within rival spaces such as the UK and USA in the sense that it’s upper class have been settled in Paris for a long time. Paris has essentially been gentrifying since the Haussman period and has been host to the wealthy. Therefore, the gentrification seen is a contrast to the typical hollowing out of primarily the lower class; it also ‘hollows out’ the middle classes. In the case of Paris, there was a general decline in even moderate-income households, and an increase in high-income, white-collar households (often workers in technology, finance and management sectors) (Heathcott, 2013), and led to some areas in Paris being represented as an almost super-gentrifying space as the ‘hollowing out’ is not exclusive to the working class.

Figures 1 and 2 reveal the patterns of change due to gentrification. There is a decline in the working-class populations within the centre of Paris since 1988 (Figure 2), replaced by increased upper class population within the central districts (Figure 1). In general, upper-class populations have increased in the center and westernmost extremities of Paris and there has been an overall decline in the number of working-class within Paris as a result of this gentrification.

The representation of Paris is constituent of many issues, however, within this essay, these specific factors will be analysed and considered with reference to the field course.

Methodology

Guided tours:

The Guided Tours focused on François Mitterrand’s Grand Travaux, an architectural program that aimed to develop the area and promote ‘cultural gestures’ of national significance (Collard, 1998). It has resulted in many of the modern monuments present in Paris. The guided tours focused on 2 areas in particular: La Défense ( and Bercy/Rive Gauche.

Tourist Trails:

Guide books are a key way in which people, particularly non-Parisians, experience and view Paris. Thus, it was important to gain an insight into how people in general, are led to explore Paris as this is what may be represented in Literature. The focus of this trail (Fodor’s Paris 2014) was of the Eiffel Tower and its surrounding areas. Beginning at the 7th arrondisment (considered one of Paris’ most upscale neighbourhood), the trail aimed to boast the culture and legacy areas of the city. We then proceeded to explore the Eiffel Tower and the Hotel des Invalides which were considered ‘top attractions’. It also prompted us to visit the Museum Rodin, to explore the artistic representations of Paris. Notes of all areas experiences were taken, along with photographs and key observations.

Metro Transects:

We also utilised the Metro lines to gain a broader understanding of Paris, splitting in to groups and exploring the entirety of each metro line. This metro transect was taken from the Line 10, which operates between Western and Central Paris. Our group focused on Metro line 10 and aimed to stop around every 3-4 stops and then explored the areas within a close proximity to the station, taking notes and observations on the housing type, cleanliness of space and the general ambience of the area. We did this for approximately 10 minutes per stop; due to time constraints on the day, we aimed to skip a few stops in order to get comprehensive data over the entirety of the metro line. This methodology allowed us to identify the changes in key characteristics that occur from the Central to Western peripheries of Paris.

Ethnography:

Our Ethnographic study was a focused within the local areas in and around Parc de Belleville. Spradley (1979) considers an ethnography the ideal approach in understanding people in their ‘daily life’. This allowed us to grasp the attitudes of people in reality, instead of relying on figures and statistics on the area. We began our ethnography at 10:30am, arriving at the park. We observed the park and its surrounding areas for 1hr 30mins, taking care to observe the people, their practices, shops nearby, housing and the general ambience of the area. We moved to a high vantage point within the park to observe people. We also took care to notice how people’s behaviours and pace changed as time advanced.

Derive:

Debord’s theory of derive defines this method to be an unplanned roam led by the attractions and flows of the place (Debord, 1958). This allows us to gain an insight into the unseen flows occurring within the city that can only be experienced. We began the derive after our ethnography of the areas around Parc de Belleville. We initially roamed further into the town, following busy working-class people hurrying towards metro stations typically dressed in smart working attire. We then encountered a flow of local people which we followed, leading us to a large-scale open market (Marché de Belleville) (see figure 4). The general flow that was followed was one of locals, particularly to the markets. It was clear that the flows followed were of locals/Parisian from the area with a lack of tourist presence perhaps as it was located far from any tourist hotspots.

Discussion:

Paris is also heavily tourism orientated, and thus, this plays a role in its image and representation. Tourism forms approximately 10% of the GDP in France (Statista, 2018). Central Business District was built with the aim to promote a ‘synergistic relationship’ between its financial services and tourist attraction (Pearce, 1998). Freytag (2010) implies that there is a deviation from traditional tourism (sightseeing etc.) and a shift towards shorter stays at urban destinations. We experienced this shifting dynamic during our guided tours as we observed large volumes of tourists within the area, typically shopping and taking photographs. Thus, the significance of areas such as La Défense (and its representations) will undoubtedly increase in the near future as the CBD doubles as both economic center and tourist hotspot.

The processes of Gentrification and urban regeneration occurring was evident during our Guided tours of the La Défense district of Paris. The western regions of Paris were previously referred to as the ‘Beaux Quartiers’ as it was host to the wealthiest citizens who existed at the top of the employment structure (Rhein, 1998). However,

La Défense began further developing with large-scale renewal scheme in 2005 in fear of its Business District being obsolete in comparison to its rival cities such as London and New York. As such, 100,000 m² (1,076,000 sq. ft) of new housing was erected (Paris La Défense, 2018). We observed the highly built up district consisting of many Highrise buildings, large shopping centres and skyscrapers, with construction occurring (see Figure 8) during guided tours of the area. However, we observed only one small area of low-end social housing within the area, see figure 9. Rhein (1988) considered this extent of development to be beyond the confines of gentrification, referring to the development as a reinforcement of ‘social exclusively’; ultimately creating a space for only the high-income elites to prosper.

During our Guided tours of Bercy, we observed the scale of gentrification occurring. The relocation of the Ministry of Economics and Finance to Bercy (Koop and Vermette 2000) has also added to the Gentrification of the area significantly. Prior to this, there was a lack of demand for high tier housing due to Bercy’s legacy as a thriving wine industry; the area was abundantly poor, working class. However, the relocation caused an influx of upper class and professionals into the area thus reshaping the urban dynamics. Government led development plans such as ZAC (Zone d’Aménagement Concertée) were used to develop Bercy into a place suitable to host the influx of upper-class professionals into the area. 1,500 units of new housing and 113,000 square meters of office space were constructed aimed mainly at upper class/middle class (Verdelli, 2013). This development plan was clearly a step towards welcoming the professionals into the area and led to a gentrification effect that extended beyond housing. Derelict buildings were rejuvenated and old wine stores were transformed into shops in an effort to convert them for other economic, social or cultural uses (Donadieu, 2006). See Figure 3.

The metro transects also revealed a gradient of gentrification the impacts brought about by the significance of the Central Business District (CBD) and Tourism in the West and Center of Paris. Stops closer to the center of Paris, such as Cluny- La Sorbonne displayed generally cleaner and more ‘bourgeoise’ environment. Shops located near the vicinity of the stop were generally more expensive with large brand chains. The Western most stops along the metro transect such Boulogne-Jean Jaures, also displayed such characteristics. It was seen that between the central and western peripheries of the Metro (line 10) transect, the stops were significantly less impressive and clean. There were not only fewer retail and businesses but also, the shops present were rarely large brands or large TNC chains. Figure 10 shows a small local shop outside Charles Michels which has graffiti and many posters, suggesting a lesser quality environment than the stops in the Western and Central areas. Due to the income of the working class at these periphery locations, large businesses have relocated into the center/west to tap into the income brought about by the prevalence of the CBD and tourism. This trend aligns with Figure 1 (Clerval, 2006); the areas in-between West and Central Paris experienced little change in upper class from 1998 to 1991 are also the areas that have revealed the poorest quality representations from this methodology.

It is clear that Paris is appreciative of its rich culture and heritage. Paris is considered as the art and fashion center of world, however, it’s booming post-industrial economy earned it the name ‘capital of the nineteenth century’ (Scott, 2000). There is a clear initiative from the government to preserve this strong and independent representation and promote it as a norm of Paris. During the Tourist Trail of the Eiffel Tower, the route suggested aimed to boast the most extravagant spaces in and around the area. Further, active policies such as the 37m building restriction helps solidify the grandeur of Paris and strengthen the concept that no other buildings should rise above the Eiffel tower which is the considered the core ‘Symbol of industrial progress’ (Thomson, 2000). This was clearly experienced during our tourist trail of the Eiffel Tower, where it stood heavily distinguishable from its surroundings (at 300m).

In addition, some rejuvenation projects within Paris have not seen a ‘modernisation’ of the area in fear of this image being spoiled. In its place, flats, shops and apartments that have required rejuvenation have been demolished and rebuilt with a modern interior, whilst maintaining a ‘old style ‘façade’ at the exterior (Savitch, 1988). This also created higher property prices and living standards; Le Marais (previously medieval Paris) lost 40% of moderate-income workers and almost half of workers in the ‘unskilled’ services, in their place came an influx business executives and professionals that work nearby. The reconstruction whilst retaining the ‘old style’ as mentioned by Savitch (1988) suggests that Paris values it post-industrial legacy and actively seeks to sustain and preserve its previous representations as a result.

Paris also has a high migrant population which causes the social dynamics within the city to be different from the Parisian ideal. Due to historical and colonial ties, Paris is host to an increasingly large number of North African and Jew migrants as a result of the exodus Muslim countries post WW2 (Pozanski, 2001). These migrants are often deep into poverty and are often marginalised due to their ‘otherness’ clashing with Parisian ideals (Rosenburg, 2006). This marginalisation has caused a vast number to be homeless; during our metro transects and derive, we observed a large number of homeless migrants in the train stations and around quiet roads, see figure 5. Whilst on the Guided Tour around the Eiffel tower, many men were seen selling cheap souvenirs to the tourist population, the majority of which were Black African migrants. This suggests that within Paris, there is difference in reality between the lifestyles of the high earning and low-income migrants; the ‘wealthy’ representations of Paris do not hold true for all Parisians.

The ethnographic study was conducted in the Parc de Belleville and its immediate surrounding areas. The study began at 10:30am; we began to walk around the park however, found that it was very empty. Upon arriving at the top of the park, we had an extensive view of the park and found there were a large number of elderly/middle aged people roaming the park either for a brisk walk or walking pets. As time progressed, there was a clear decline in the number of elderly and a rise in young people jogging. We also saw middle aged professionals utilise the park early morning, however, this was likely a route towards their workplace and they didn’t intend to use the park for any other purpose. Towards 12:00am, there was a public display of Asian dance in the park, organised by the locals. Thus, the park in this instance was a social space for people to display their culture and practise their beliefs from beyond their homeland (see figure 7). Additionally, as we progressed towards the sports section of the park, we found a large number of middle-aged Asian men using the area to play table tennis (see figure 6). Such instances would indicate that despite racial tensions existing around housing, there are these ‘neutral’ areas within Paris where minorities are free to express their ‘otherness’.

The gentrification previously explored has perhaps worsened these social tensions further. Real estate prices in Paris are rapidly rising, with apartment prices increasing by 347% since 1995 (Newman, 2015). Due to demand for housing, the working upper class were prioritised over migrants; they were excluded from public housing until the 1960s (Préteceille, 2011). This causes local issues as many would turn to a life of crime and homelessness. Additionally, during our ethnography we observed many African-French youth in groups listening to music and smoking. This raises Questions on ethnic mixing as groups of people seen were often around people of their own ethnicity and also is a stark contrast in the existing images of Paris such as the Beaux Quartiers in Western Paris.

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